A Label Without Evidence:

How the SPLC Targets NCFM While Ignoring Real Extremists

For nearly a decade, the Southern Poverty Law Center has called a 49-year-old civil rights nonprofit a “hate group” while granting a pass to violent actors. New federal indictments expose what NCFM has said all along.

The Southern Poverty Law Center claims to be the nation’s foremost authority on hate — a moral compass for journalists, philanthropists, and federal agencies navigating America’s extremism landscape. Yet the SPLC simultaneously lists the National Coalition For Men (NCFM) as a “male supremacist hate group” and honors NCFM’s late Vice President, Marc Angelucci, on its own “Wall of Tolerance” at the SPLC Civil Rights Memorial Center in Montgomery, Alabama. One organization. Two diametrically opposite judgments. No coherent explanation. That contradiction is not a footnote. It is the entire case against the SPLC’s labeling regime.

NCFM was founded in 1977. It is one of the oldest men’s civil rights organizations in the world For nearly five decades, it has pursued gender-neutral legal reform, supported male survivors of domestic violence, engaged in evidence-based litigation, and collaborated with women’s organizations to advance equal rights for all. It publishes its financials. It holds open annual meetings. Its policy positions are documented and transparent. Nothing in NCFM’s 49-year record meets any reasonable definition of hatred, supremacy, or extremism. The SPLC has never produced evidence suggesting otherwise — because no such evidence exists.

Now, with a federal grand jury in Montgomery having returned an 11-count indictment against the SPLC itself — charging wire fraud, false statements to a federally insured bank, and conspiracy to commit concealment money laundering — the credibility of the organization that prints and sells America’s most influential list of “hate groups” has never faced greater scrutiny. What follows is the record NCFM has assembled: the designation, its damage, its internal contradictions, its congressional exposure, and the question every media outlet, policymaker, and philanthropic institution must now answer.

The Designation and Its Damage

In its report titled Dismantling White Supremacy: How Male Supremacy Provided the Foundation for Hate in 2023, published June 4, 2024, the SPLC documented nine “male supremacist hate groups” — and placed NCFM among them alongside incel communities and abortion abolitionist extremists. The SPLC’s own 2018–2019 webpage on “Male Supremacy” described groups like NCFM as organizations that “distort or cherry-pick statistics to indicate female privilege” and “offered little help to men other than blaming women.” That description does not match NCFM’s litigation record, public statements, or 49 years of documented activity.

“Without a shred of factual evidence, the SPLC labeled us a ‘male supremacist hate group,’ an absurd, inflammatory, and defamatory label we categorically reject as a very woke falsehood.”— Harry Crouch, President, National Coalition For Men

NCFM challenged the designation in 2019. It challenged it again in 2024 and 2025, issuing formal cease-and-desist letters and demands for retraction. In each instance, the SPLC’s response was telling: its representatives acknowledged that the designation reflected “opinion,” not evidence. That admission is not a legal defense. It is a confession. The SPLC has been selling “opinion” to the public — and to donor-advised funds, corporate foundations, and government contractors — as though it were fact-based intelligence.

The practical consequences for NCFM are severe and ongoing. The SPLC’s “hate group” label functions as a blacklist. Donor-advised funds — including those administered by Fidelity Charitable, Schwab Charitable, and similar institutions — use the SPLC designation as a disqualification criterion. Philanthropic foundations follow the same shorthand. Corporate giving programs that screen for reputational risk treat the SPLC list as authoritative. NCFM may have lost substantial funding it would otherwise have received. Services for male and female survivors of domestic violence have been diminished as a result. The label does not merely sting — it cuts.

Material Harm on Record

The SPLC’s “hate group” designation has been adopted by major donor-advised fund administrators as a disqualification criterion, cutting off charitable contributions to NCFM. A designation the SPLC itself characterizes as “opinion” is being operationalized as verified fact by financial institutions — with no evidentiary standard applied and no avenue for appeal.

The Wall of Tolerance Contradiction

Marc Angelucci was NCFM’s Vice President and one of the most consequential men’s civil rights attorneys in American legal history. He joined NCFM as a law student in 1997, founded the Los Angeles chapter in 2001, and spent two decades filing cases that courts and legal scholars took seriously. He won Woods v. Horton, a landmark California appellate decision holding that domestic violence statutes must protect male victims equally. He pursued NCFM v. Selective Service System, in which a federal judge declared the male-only selective service registration unconstitutional. He earned recognition in the Los Angeles Times. He donated millions of dollars worth of time to voluntary legal work on behalf of gender equality.

On July 11, 2020, Marc Angelucci was shot to death at his front door in Cedarpines Park, California. The killer — Roy Den Hollander, who posed as a delivery driver — was a disbarred attorney consumed by resentment. Den Hollander had previously been removed from NCFM by Harry Crouch for being, in Crouch’s words, “a nut job.” Angelucci had won a Selective Service case before Den Hollander’s similar case was decided, costing Den Hollander a precedent he coveted. Den Hollander later took his own life. Marc Angelucci’s murder was an act of personal vendetta by a man NCFM itself had expelled — not an act reflecting NCFM’s values.

“Unlike the SPLC, he stood firmly for fairness, compassion, and truth — values we continue to uphold.” NCFM, on the legacy of Marc Angelucci

The Southern Poverty Law Center honored Marc Angelucci on its “Wall of Tolerance” at the Civil Rights Memorial Center in Montgomery, Alabama — a tribute reserved for those who have advanced the cause of civil rights and tolerance in America. The SPLC deemed Marc Angelucci worthy of that honor. Marc Angelucci was, at his death, the Vice President of NCFM — the very organization the SPLC simultaneously brands a hate group. The SPLC cannot honor a man for his civil rights work and condemn his organization as a hate group. The two positions are logically irreconcilable. That irreconcilability disqualifies the designation as anything other than politically motivated opinion.

☰ Key Facts at a Glance: Who Is on the SPLC Hate Map — and Who Is Not

A Double Standard Congress Noticed

On June 9, 2026, the House Judiciary Committee convened a hearing titled “The Southern Poverty Law Center: Manufacturing Hate, Part II.” For the first time, an SPLC spokesperson — Interim President and CEO Bryan Fair — appeared under subpoena to answer congressional questions about the hate map and the pending criminal case. The exchanges that followed made plain what NCFM has documented for years: the SPLC applies its “hate group” designation selectively, by ideological alignment rather than evidentiary standard.

Representative Lance Gooden (R-TX) confronted Fair directly. The SPLC’s hate map includes Alliance Defending Freedom, Charlie Kirk’s Turning Point USA, and the Family Research Council — mainstream conservative organizations whose members regularly exercise First Amendment rights in public discourse. It does not include Antifa or Jane’s Revenge. Rep. Gooden stated plainly:

“Under your criteria, Turning Point USA, Family Research Council, and other conservative Christian groups are considered hate groups, but Antifa and Jane’s Revenge aren’t. I frankly think it’s disgusting.” Rep. Lance Gooden (R-TX), House Judiciary Committee, June 9, 2026

Fair defended the hate map by stating that the SPLC designates groups based on “statements they make,” being “anti-LGBTQ,” “vilifying individuals based on immutable characteristics,” or pushing “anti-government conspiracy theories.” He offered no comparable standard applied to the left. When pressed on Antifa — a movement with a documented national record of street violence, property destruction, and assault — Fair declined to say clearly whether Antifa met the SPLC’s criteria. When pressed on Jane’s Revenge, which publicly claimed responsibility for firebombing pregnancy resource centers and vandalizing Catholic churches following the 2022 Dobbs ruling, Fair was equally evasive. When directly asked for a count of Islamic extremist groups on the hate map, Fair declined to provide a number.

Representative Tom McClintock pressed Fair on the core question: why does a campus conservative organization earn a flag on the hate map while Antifa — a movement with a documented street violence record — is treated as merely a “loose idea” beyond the SPLC’s scope? Fair offered no coherent response.

▸ The Logical Conclusion

If NCFM — with no documented violence, no history of threats, 49 years of transparent civil rights advocacy, and a Vice President honored by the SPLC itself — earns a “hate group” label, the simultaneous absence of Antifa and Jane’s Revenge from that same list is not an oversight. It is a policy. And that policy is ideological, not evidentiary.

Federal Indictments Change the Picture

On April 21, 2026, a federal grand jury in Montgomery, Alabama returned an 11-count indictment against the Southern Poverty Law Center. The case, United States v. Southern Poverty Law Center, Inc., Case No. 2:26‐cr‐00139, charges the SPLC with wire fraud, false statements to a federally insured bank, and conspiracy to commit concealment money laundering. Federal prosecutors allege that between 2014 and 2023, the SPLC secretly funneled more than $3 million in donated funds to individuals associated with violent extremist organizations — including the Ku Klux Klan, Aryan Nations, United Klans of America, the National Alliance, the National Socialist Movement, and the American Nazi Party — through bank accounts connected to fictitious entities, concealing both the recipients and the true use of donor funds.

On August 11, 2026, a federal grand jury returned a second superseding indictment adding Heidi L. Beirich — the SPLC’s former chief financial officer and a central architect of its “Intelligence Project” and hate group designations — as a named defendant. The superseding indictment expands the alleged timeframe to 2007 through 2023, raises the alleged amount of diverted funds to more than $4 million, and adds charges of conspiracy to commit wire fraud and conspiracy to submit false statements to a federally insured bank. Prosecutors further allege that Beirich opened fictitious entity accounts to disguise fund movements and that donor money flowed into a personal joint account used for living expenses. The SPLC has pleaded not guilty. The case remains pending.

⚠ The Central Irony

The organization that has labeled a 49-year-old civil rights nonprofit a “hate group” — while simultaneously claiming to protect the public from extremism — now stands federally indicted on allegations that it secretly funneled millions in donor dollars to individuals associated with the Ku Klux Klan, Aryan Nations, and the American Nazi Party. NCFM never needed federal prosecutors to tell them the SPLC’s standards were inconsistent. But the indictment tells the public something NCFM has said for years.

“These developments reflect concerns NCFM has raised for many years regarding the accuracy and effects of SPLC classifications.”— Harry Crouch, President, National Coalition For Men

The SPLC argues the charges are politically motivated, brought by a Trump-era Justice Department hostile to its mission. That argument may be tested in court. What cannot be tested away is the structural irony: the organization that monetizes the threat of extremism, which extracts tens of millions of dollars in annual donations by positioning itself as the guardian against hate, stands accused of covertly paying the very extremists it publicly denounced — while labeling a transparent, 49-year-old civil rights nonprofit a hate group. The public is entitled to weigh that record.

What NCFM Actually Does

NCFM was founded in 1977. It predates the internet, predates the “manosphere,” and predates virtually every online community the SPLC has grouped it with. For nearly five decades, its work has consisted of the following:

• Legal advocacy and litigation: NCFM has pursued landmark cases on gender-neutral application of domestic violence law (Woods v. Horton), selective service (NCFM v. Selective Service System), and equal treatment in family courts and public programs.
• Public education: NCFM publishes evidence-based research, policy briefs, and commentary on issues affecting men, boys, and families — drawing on peer-reviewed scholarship, not ideology.
• Direct support: NCFM provides information and advocacy support for male survivors of domestic violence, a population that remains underserved by public programs and frequently invisible in policy debates.
• Collaboration: NCFM has worked alongside women’s organizations and supports equal rights for women and men. It explicitly distinguishes between women’s rights — which it endorses — and supremacist or misandric ideologies that promote gender hostility, which it rejects.
• Transparency: NCFM files public Form 990s, holds annual meetings, and publishes its positions. Every claim it makes is documented. Every dollar it receives is accounted for.

What NCFM does not do — has never done in 49 years — is advocate for the subjugation of women, promote violence, issue threats, or engage in any conduct that satisfies any neutral definition of extremism. The SPLC has not identified a single statement, action, lawsuit, or publication by NCFM that constitutes evidence of hate. It admitted as much when it conceded the designation is “opinion.” Opinion is not intelligence. Opinion is not a hate group census. And opinion, when it destroys the fundraising capacity of a legitimate civil rights nonprofit, is actionable.

The Fundraising Motive

The SPLC is not a disinterested party. It is a fundraising machine that has built its donor base on fear, and it requires a steady supply of threats to sustain that business model. The “manosphere” — a broad, loosely defined category of online communities — has proven to be a high-yield, low-risk target for SPLC’s donor communications. It generates outrage. It generates clicks. And it carries minimal political risk, because the targets — men’s rights advocates, fathers’ rights litigants, domestic violence researchers who document male victimization — have no organized counter-lobby and limited access to sympathetic media.

By placing NCFM — a legitimate, longstanding, publicly documented nonprofit — into the same “male supremacist” category as anonymous online incel communities and abortion extremists, the SPLC expands its threat narrative without expanding its evidence base. Every new name on the hate map is a fundraising asset. The SPLC admitted to a court that its “hate group” designation is protected opinion. What it has not been admitted is that it treats that opinion as factual intelligence when soliciting the billions it has accumulated in assets, including funds held in offshore accounts that drew significant press scrutiny in the years before the indictment.

Courts have addressed the SPLC’s designation in the context of defamation law. In Coral Ridge Ministries Media, Inc. v. Southern Poverty Law Center, 6 F.4th 1249 (11th Cir. 2021), cert. denied, 142 S. Ct. 2453 (2022), the Eleventh Circuit held that the “hate group” label constitutes protected opinion rather than a false statement of fact — insulating the SPLC from defamation liability in that case. That legal shield, however, does not validate the designation as fact. It confirms the opposite: the SPLC’s labels are opinions. Opinions do not belong in donor-advised fund screening systems. Opinions do not belong in federal agency reference documents. And opinions dressed up as vetted intelligence — and used to cut off charitable funding to civil rights nonprofits — warrant the full scrutiny of every institution that has relied on them.

The Verdict: A Label Built for Revenue, Not Truth

The record is complete. The SPLC designated NCFM a hate group without evidence. It acknowledged the designation is opinion. It honored NCFM’s Vice President for his civil rights work. It excluded Antifa and Jane’s Revenge — groups with documented violence — from its hate map. It faced congressional scrutiny and offered evasive responses. And it now stands federally indicted on allegations of fraud, false statements, and money laundering involving the same extremist organizations it publicly condemned.

Every media outlet that has cited the SPLC’s hate map as authoritative owes its audience a correction or, at minimum, a caveat. Every philanthropic institution that has used the SPLC’s list as a funding eligibility screen owes its donors an explanation for why it treated unsubstantiated opinion as verified intelligence. Every federal agency that has referenced the SPLC’s designations in any official capacity owes the public a review of how those designations were applied and with what evidentiary standard.

NCFM’s ask is not complicated. Apply the same standard to all groups. Require evidence before labeling. Distinguish between organizations that advocate through courts, public education, and litigation — and those that commit violence. The SPLC’s own hate map, by its own record, cannot make that distinction. NCFM can.

“NCFM will continue its work for gender equality, legal fairness, and the well-being of men, women, boys, and girls — with or without the SPLC’s approval.”— National Coalition For Men (NCFM)

The Southern Poverty Law Center placed Marc Angelucci on its Wall of Tolerance. Marc Angelucci was NCFM’s Vice President. The SPLC calls NCFM a hate group. That wall — literally inscribed in stone at the SPLC’s own Civil Rights Memorial Center in Montgomery, Alabama — says everything the SPLC’s lawyers, press releases, and donor appeals cannot unsay. The contradiction speaks for itself. It has spoken for years. It is time the public listened.

Legal Disclaimer: The SPLC case United States v. Southern Poverty Law Center, Inc., Case No. 2:26‐cr‐00139, and the related second superseding indictment adding defendant Heidi L. Beirich (August 11, 2026), remain pending. All defendants are presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law. NCFM does not speak to the merits of that proceeding but notes the heightened public scrutiny it brings to SPLC’s designation practices.

About NCFM: The National Coalition For Men (NCFM) is a nonprofit educational organization founded in 1977. NCFM is one of the oldest and largest men’s civil rights organizations in the United States. It advocates for gender-neutral application of law and policy, litigates on behalf of male civil rights, and supports survivors of domestic violence regardless of gender. Website: ncfm.org

Sources: U.S. Department of Justice press releases (April 21 and August 12, 2026); House Judiciary Committee hearing record, June 9, 2026; NCFM public statements and correspondence (2019–2026); SPLC annual hate group reports (2023–2024); Coral Ridge Ministries Media, Inc. v. Southern Poverty Law Center, 6 F.4th 1249 (11th Cir. 2021); NCFM press releases (February 13, 2026; April 26, 2026; July 8, 2025); Marc Angelucci biographical record (NCFM.org; Wikipedia); Liberty Counsel analysis of June 9, 2026 hearing.

That’s NCFM’s opinion. The facts, however, are not…

A Label Without Evidence:

How the SPLC Targets NCFM While Ignoring Real Extremists

Tags: Brian Fair, Extremism, Heidi Beirich, media bias, mens rights, ncfm, southern poverty law center, SPLC